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The European Union, A Global Security Player
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"The Union must have the capacity for autonomous action, backed up by credible military forces, the means to decide to use them, and a readiness to do so, in order to respond to international crises without prejudice to actions by NATO". Helsinki European Council, December 1999. When the EU took over peacekeeping duties from NATO in Bosnia at the end of 2004, their aim was to give an absolute guarantee that hostilities will not resume. The 7000 strong mission in Bosnia is by far the most ambitious EU military deployment to date. It’s perhaps fitting that Europe is deploying its new military capabilities here. It was in the Balkans, after all, in the 1990s that the EU learned many lessons during the break up of the former Yugoslavia. Since then, the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) has much evolved. From the Balkans to Africa and more recently the Caucasus. The huge advantage the EU has in developing a security and defence policy is that it has more than just military means to call upon. It can use diplomatic or economic measures to manage crises as well as civilian intervention. The former Soviet state of Georgia saw the Union apply a new approach in civilian crisis management. After Georgia’s Rose revolution in 2003, the country was ready for a fresh start but first had to tackle a legacy of of corruption and instability. With a barely functioning police and judicial system, the country's new President asked the EU for help. Within just 11 days of the request in April 2005, it was agreed to set up the first EU Rule of Law Mission here: EUJUST. These two ongoing ESDP operations demonstrate that the European Union has come of age as a global security player.
It's early morning in a small village in central Bosnia.
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Dutch EU4 soldiers, with a Bosnian policeman alongside, are going from house to house
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to search for hidden weapons.
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Ten years after the bloody war, people still have guns and grenades in their homes, nervous
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that the conflict may reignite.
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European Union peacekeepers reassure villagers if they hand in their weapons voluntarily,
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there'll be no prosecution.
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This amnesty, known as Operation Harvest, last year netted 30,000 hand grenades, 9,000
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small arms, and 3 million rounds of ammunition.
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What we are principally here to do is to give an absolute guarantee that hostilities will
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not resume here.
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And in order to do that, we have to demonstrate that we are a credible military force that
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has a robust operational capability.
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Here in Pali, once the headquarters of Bosnian-Serb strongman Radovan Karadzic, EU4 troops, this
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time Italian, are setting up roadblocks.
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It's part of a crackdown on smuggling and organized crime networks, which are threatening
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economic progress and protecting former warlords.
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When the EU took over peacekeeping duties from NATO at the end of last year, their aim
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was to build confidence among local people.
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EU4 soldiers are living in 50 villages throughout the country, getting to know the people and
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also gathering intelligence, eyes and ears on the ground, as the search continues for
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indicted war criminals.
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I think the situation in Bosnia is now such that I would characterize our mission as more
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one of reassurance to the people of Bosnia, because they still fear that if the international
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community, particularly the military presence, left Bosnia, then they would feel exposed
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and fearful of people with maybe unfinished business, maybe political hotheads.
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The 7,000-strong mission in Bosnia is by far the most ambitious EU military deployment
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to date, a sign of the EU's commitment to the security of the country.
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The police mission already at work here is further evidence of that commitment, its aim
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to help the Bosnian police force meet international standards.
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It's perhaps fitting that Europe is deploying its new military capabilities here.
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It was in the Balkans, after all, in the 1990s, that the EU learned many lessons during the
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breakup of the former Yugoslavia.
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An American-led NATO intervention finally ended the conflict, but Europe knew that in
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future it must be able to deal with crises on its own doorstep.
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The European Union is a group of countries, 25 countries, with a population altogether
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of double the population of the United States, four times the population of Japan. We have
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to be an actor in the international affairs. We are not to construct an army to go to war.
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We want to have forces which can be together from different countries in order to maintain
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peace or to create peace where peace has been broken.
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In 1999, a summit in Helsinki marked the birth of Europe's security and defence policy.
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EU leaders pledged to build up a European crisis management capacity of up to 60,000
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soldiers, able to deal with 21st century dangers.
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A military structure was established in Brussels, including an EU military staff, with representatives
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from every European country.
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When we remember the balance of the Cold War, it was terrifying.
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It was clashes which could destroy the world several hundred times.
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Today we are no longer in this context of threat, but the dangers are smaller but more probable.
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That is to say that there are more security threats, paradoxically, which can occur in
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the current world than in the old world.
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The crisis in the Democratic Republic of Congo was the first test for the EU's peacekeeping
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operations without NATO involvement.
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In June 2003, the United Nations asked Europe to intervene.
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It was to be the first EU military mission outside of Europe, manned mainly by the French,
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but under an EU flag.
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The successful Congo mission showed how the EU can play its own role without duplicating
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the efforts of NATO.
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From that came an ambitious plan to create 13 rapid-reaction battle groups of up to 1,500
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soldiers, which can be sent to stabilise trouble spots or protect humanitarian operations.
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The aim is for swift deployment within just five days.
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We simply cannot afford to sit back and say, we're going to debate this for several weeks
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or months before we deploy force.
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And really underlying the European approach, battle groups, is a recognition that the kinds
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of modern crises have to be resolved quickly in order to prevent them getting out of hand,
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in order to prevent this becoming a still worse problem.
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The battle group concept is part of a package of defence measures to shake up the EU's
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military capabilities by the end of the decade.
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The European Defence Agency, recently established, will play a key role.
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Its job, to help Europe's countries rethink and coordinate their €160bn defence spending.
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We still, collectively across Europe, spend too much money on heavy metal and high explosive,
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and not enough on those more modern technologies which are highly relevant to deployed operations
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around Europe's periphery, communication technologies, observation technologies.
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We are in effect moving from the industrial age of warfare to the information age.
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There's a technological revolution going on.
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But where does NATO fit in as the EU builds up its own military strategies?
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In reality, Europe's defence policy is being developed in partnership with the Atlantic Alliance.
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And a large EU operation, such as in Bosnia, still shares NATO facilities.
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For example, communications and satellite systems.
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These systems exist. It would be hugely expensive for the EU to set up parallel systems.
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So, if you like, we sort of subcontract from NATO and use those systems.
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NATO has a very sophisticated intelligence architecture,
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which we couldn't set up and replicate for an individual EU operation.
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So, NATO releases intelligence information to the EU.
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The huge advantage the EU has in developing a defence policy
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is that it has more than just military means to call upon.
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It can use diplomatic or economic measures to manage crises, as well as civilian intervention.
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Europe's security strategy stresses the need for a ring of well-governed countries surrounding the EU.
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And the former Soviet state of Georgia
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saw the Union apply a new approach in civilian crisis management.
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After Georgia's Rose Revolution in 2003,
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the country was ready for a fresh start,
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but first had to tackle a legacy of corruption and instability.
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With a barely functioning police and judicial system,
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the country's new president asked the EU for help.
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Within just 11 days of the request last April,
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it was agreed to set up the first EU rule-of-law mission here.
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The EU sent a team of judges and legal experts to the Georgian capital, Tbilisi,
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not far from the border.
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The EU has a very sophisticated intelligence architecture,
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which we couldn't set up and replicate for an individual EU operation.
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So, NATO releases intelligence information to the EU.
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After Georgia's Rose Revolution in 2003,
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the country was ready for a fresh start,
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but first had to tackle a legacy of corruption and instability.
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The EU sent a team of judges and legal experts to the Georgian capital, Tbilisi,
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not with money, but to support the country for one year
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in drawing up a judicial reform plan.
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Heading the team is Sylvie Pance,
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a French judge and prosecutor with wide international experience.
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I'm not used to making decisions, I'm not proud to be a judge.
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It's a very slow, dubious system.
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It's not serious.
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New mobile police patrols have already been introduced
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by the Georgian government
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to replace part of its notoriously corrupt police force.
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It's restored some public confidence,
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but faith in the judiciary remains low.
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I don't want to be a judge,
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but I don't want to be a criminal.
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I don't want to be a criminal,
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but I don't want to be a criminal.
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I don't want to be a criminal.
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Every element of the penal system,
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including police training and prison conditions,
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is being scrutinised by the EU experts.
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Sylvie Pance and her team have regular briefings
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with the Georgian Prime Minister
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and will shortly present their final reform recommendations.
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I'm quite proud that the EU has thought about this,
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because it's something that the United Nations has not done,
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and it's something that, from my point of view,
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because of the experience of the experts,
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because of the diversity of the expertise they can provide,
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all these elements allow a mission of this kind to succeed.
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Back in Bosnia, this military mission must succeed too,
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first and foremost for the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina,
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but also to demonstrate that the EU
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is now successfully building up military muscle
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in conjunction with its civilian crisis management,
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and to demonstrate that the European Union
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has come of age as a global security player.
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- Niveles educativos:
- ▼ Mostrar / ocultar niveles
- Nivel Intermedio
- Autor/es:
- The European Union
- Subido por:
- EducaMadrid
- Licencia:
- Reconocimiento - No comercial - Sin obra derivada
- Visualizaciones:
- 631
- Fecha:
- 16 de julio de 2007 - 10:39
- Visibilidad:
- Público
- Enlace Relacionado:
- European Commission
- Duración:
- 11′ 01″
- Relación de aspecto:
- 4:3 Hasta 2009 fue el estándar utilizado en la televisión PAL; muchas pantallas de ordenador y televisores usan este estándar, erróneamente llamado cuadrado, cuando en la realidad es rectangular o wide.
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